I don't normally read The Federalist, but I stumbled across this article while googling "constitutional monarchy." As I become ever more elitist I've started to think that Americans need a monarchy. Or maybe a di-archy with two co-kings/queens. Americans are a desperately jingoistic bunch, all convinced of their exceptionalism (even the less visibly patriotic liberals mostly believe in American ideals, and want to see us live those out better than anyone else). We need to give them symbols that they can swoon over and hold up as infallible, while a real human being runs the government. So let's have a Prime Minister as Head of Government and two co-Royals as Head of State.
We need two so that liberals and conservatives both have somebody to swoon over. The liberals can have a diverse NPR host with a best-selling book, while the conservatives can have a country singer or football player who served in the Marines. The Royal Liberal will host vegan banquets, while the Royal Conservative will lead hunting parties and then roast whatever they kill. And to make the centrists happy, whatever modest powers these heads of state wield can only be wielded by joint consent. So most stuff will be done by a Prime Minister, but every now and then the two co-Royals will do something bipartisan and centrists will swoon. Everybody's happy.
Seriously, it's better than giving actual executive power to a TV star.
Monday, March 11, 2019
Latest Book: First Class by Alison Stewart
I just read First Class by Alison Stewart, a history of what was once America's finest high school for African American students. It is a rather tragic story: During segregation, African American students in DC were limited to just a few high schools (the number depending on the era), and the "academic" school (to contrast with a nearby vocational school) was Dunbar high school.
Admission was selective, so only the best African American students got in, and the results were exactly what you'd expect when you have selective admission from a pool of students whose parents wanted them to be there: Absolutely outstanding. Over several decades, Dunbar's students frequently out-performed white kids (from a similarly selective high school) on academic measures. Dunbar alumni went to elite colleges, became doctors and lawyers and professors, broke barriers at military academies, and rose to the top of the arts. In short, they proved that talent and motivation know no color, and that excellent students of any group can hold their own against any other group, even groups that enjoy substantial advantages. It shows the cruel hollowness in systems of privilege, the way that such systems artificially elevate the mediocre while suppressing the excellence of human ability that is abundant in every group.
Perversely, Dunbar's excellence was destroyed at the same time that school segregation ended (thanks, in part, to lawyers who had graduated from Dunbar). The problem was not desegregation, but rather an effort to circumvent desegregation: Dunbar became a "neighborhood school." Desegregating schools didn't desegregate housing, and most neighborhoods remained either primarily black or primarily white. Consequently, making all schools serve their local neighborhood ensured that most schools would remain either primarily black or primarily white. Had Dunbar (and its white counterpart) remained selective then talented students of all races could have mixed, to the benefit of all.
Instead, schools remained racially segregated in practice, and the only integration that actually occurred was integration of the motivated and unmotivated into the same classroom, to the downfall of excellence. That's pretty much what you'd expect from the society that went on to make Donald Trump President (albeit several decades later). We Americans are a fiercely anti-intellectual bunch.
Since then, Dunbar has been exactly like any other school in DC, and as communities have deteriorated so has Dunbar. Later chapters describe the school with narratives that we hear for every troubled urban high school: A faculty with a mix of earnest and disenchanted people, an underachieving student body, and periodic attempts to "reform" (to little effect). There are people who keep their spirits up by focusing on the "diamonds in the rough", which is an ironic contrast with the era when selective admissions made it a well-stocked jewelry store of talent.
Sadly, this wasn't solely the doing of white people who wanted to avoid mixing talented white and black students. Apparently many African Americans resented Dunbar students and parents, seeing them as rich and elite. Some certainly were well-off by the standards of black people in DC several decades ago, but most were of modest means and just happened to have some mix of good brains and good upbringing. The book talks about this a bit, and one gets the sense that these resentments may have played a role in keeping Dunbar from returning to selective (albeit race-neutral) admissions. American anti-intellectualism knows no color, and Americans of every background resent smarty-pants types. Maybe our best hope for racial understanding is for people of all races to come together and discover that they all hate smart people.
Admission was selective, so only the best African American students got in, and the results were exactly what you'd expect when you have selective admission from a pool of students whose parents wanted them to be there: Absolutely outstanding. Over several decades, Dunbar's students frequently out-performed white kids (from a similarly selective high school) on academic measures. Dunbar alumni went to elite colleges, became doctors and lawyers and professors, broke barriers at military academies, and rose to the top of the arts. In short, they proved that talent and motivation know no color, and that excellent students of any group can hold their own against any other group, even groups that enjoy substantial advantages. It shows the cruel hollowness in systems of privilege, the way that such systems artificially elevate the mediocre while suppressing the excellence of human ability that is abundant in every group.
Perversely, Dunbar's excellence was destroyed at the same time that school segregation ended (thanks, in part, to lawyers who had graduated from Dunbar). The problem was not desegregation, but rather an effort to circumvent desegregation: Dunbar became a "neighborhood school." Desegregating schools didn't desegregate housing, and most neighborhoods remained either primarily black or primarily white. Consequently, making all schools serve their local neighborhood ensured that most schools would remain either primarily black or primarily white. Had Dunbar (and its white counterpart) remained selective then talented students of all races could have mixed, to the benefit of all.
Instead, schools remained racially segregated in practice, and the only integration that actually occurred was integration of the motivated and unmotivated into the same classroom, to the downfall of excellence. That's pretty much what you'd expect from the society that went on to make Donald Trump President (albeit several decades later). We Americans are a fiercely anti-intellectual bunch.
Since then, Dunbar has been exactly like any other school in DC, and as communities have deteriorated so has Dunbar. Later chapters describe the school with narratives that we hear for every troubled urban high school: A faculty with a mix of earnest and disenchanted people, an underachieving student body, and periodic attempts to "reform" (to little effect). There are people who keep their spirits up by focusing on the "diamonds in the rough", which is an ironic contrast with the era when selective admissions made it a well-stocked jewelry store of talent.
Sadly, this wasn't solely the doing of white people who wanted to avoid mixing talented white and black students. Apparently many African Americans resented Dunbar students and parents, seeing them as rich and elite. Some certainly were well-off by the standards of black people in DC several decades ago, but most were of modest means and just happened to have some mix of good brains and good upbringing. The book talks about this a bit, and one gets the sense that these resentments may have played a role in keeping Dunbar from returning to selective (albeit race-neutral) admissions. American anti-intellectualism knows no color, and Americans of every background resent smarty-pants types. Maybe our best hope for racial understanding is for people of all races to come together and discover that they all hate smart people.
Labels:
Alison Stewart,
Dunbar High School,
First Class,
race
Wednesday, February 27, 2019
Quick thoughts on "We're All Multiculturalists Now"
Much of this book is descriptive, and reasonably even-handed for such a hot button topic as multiculturalism. There's a lot of discussion of history, both noting that debates over cultural assimilation of immigrants are nothing new (all of this has happened before and will happen again) and also noting that assimilation mostly works. HOWEVER, what is different is that after decades of ever-increasing attempts at integration, with a large-scale marshaling of resources for a more-or-less benevolent (though not necessarily respectful or well-informed) effort to reduce educational and economic disparities, it's much harder for some people to sustain faith in integration. It's worked for new immigrants but not for a continuing underclass. The woes of that underclass arise directly from America's original sin, and will not be remedied easily. So, some people throw up their hands cynically and say do nothing, while others throw up their hands earnestly and decide to define the problem away by celebrating difference, and declaring that disparities come from policymakers' failures to properly account for cultural difference rather than inflicted pathology.
I think I largely agree with this. We are desperate to define a problem away, or channel guilt, because if we don't define the problem as arising from some difference worthy of celebration then people will define it as arising from some difference worthy of scorn.
But, as I've said before about how you can have different theories of failure, you can have different theories of difference. Making difference into too big of a thing will eventually cause some to question whether it is always a positive thing, let alone a positive thing that always favors a group that you are trying to shield from harm. As unsavory as the motive is, they will be able to wrap themselves in the mantle of disinterestedness and open-mindedness. Spend enough time saying that groups are different and eventually someone will come along and say "Yeah, groups are different, and I freakin' love my group! My group is the best!"
And that never takes us anywhere good.
But as easy as it is to scold those who celebrate difference, it's a response to an original sin that we've been unable to wash away. Its effects linger, they resist efforts at reform, and the legitimacy of the system requires that we either remove the difference, rationalize it, or properly assign blame. The first has yet to be realized, the third is something that people try to do but don't really get satisfying results from, so we go to the second.
Monday, February 25, 2019
New book and other things
1) I'm currently reading We Are All Multiculturalists Now by Nathan Glazer. It's about multiculturalism in education from the perspective of the 1990's. On some level it doesn't feel like it's telling me anything really new, not drawing on things I haven't already read about and thought about and griped about. But I also feel like parts of it are groping toward explicitly stating something that I've struggled to state. I won't state it in the midst of a quick post, but I'm thinking about it. It ties in with an essay I'm working on.
2) I'm reading this 2017 piece on how identity and representation get explored more and more in art criticism. I don't have time to pick apart the whole piece, and I always try to be skeptical about claims that something only started recently. At the same time, this excerpt ties into something I've been thinking about for a while:
2012 is an important year because it was the year after Occupy Wall Street. OWS had a message of "We are the 99%." There's a lot that's wrong with that (the upper part of the 99% differs from the bottom 90%), and a lot of silliness came out of Zuccotti Park, but at the same time they had a message that resonated, that brought people together rather than dividing them, and that pushed back on some genuinely bad stuff (e.g. bailouts for the rich and austerity for the rest).
Shortly after that attempt at unity, cultural criticism did seem to escalate in its divisiveness. One needn't be a conspiracy theorist to note that a brief moment of unity was followed by chattering and writing elites--and the companies that market their work--emphasizing difference over solidarity. It's a bit like how some people feel the need to scold working-class Trump voters about their privilege rather than empathize with their economic anxiety. Yes, there's a lot that's wrong with Trump, and there are plenty of reasons to disagree with their supporters, but surely that disagreement can be framed in some way other than "You know, you have it pretty good!" There used to be a word for people who told blue collar workers that they have nothing to complain about: Republicans.
So, yeah, it is interesting that division overtook solidarity in elite commentary shortly after 2011.
3) As long as we're talking about commentary on art and entertainment, I highly recommend this piece by Lauren Oyler.
2) I'm reading this 2017 piece on how identity and representation get explored more and more in art criticism. I don't have time to pick apart the whole piece, and I always try to be skeptical about claims that something only started recently. At the same time, this excerpt ties into something I've been thinking about for a while:
It’s hard to pinpoint the moment it became evident we’re in a new era of criticism, but a good candidate for that tipping point might be the 2012 controversy over the all-white principal cast of HBO's Girls.
Some critics had been pointing out for years that TV and movies offered an unrealistically white portrayal of New York City; there was even a song about the inconsequential parts for black characters on Friends. But the idea that there was something wrong with this never got much traction in the wider media; when Friends finally introduced Aisha Tyler as a recurring character near the end of its run in 2003, she said: "I don't think anyone is trying to redress issues of diversity here."
But by 2012, when Girls creator Lena Dunham was criticized for her monochromatic vision of Brooklyn, she felt a need to make it clear that she respected those criticisms by addressing them on the show.
2012 is an important year because it was the year after Occupy Wall Street. OWS had a message of "We are the 99%." There's a lot that's wrong with that (the upper part of the 99% differs from the bottom 90%), and a lot of silliness came out of Zuccotti Park, but at the same time they had a message that resonated, that brought people together rather than dividing them, and that pushed back on some genuinely bad stuff (e.g. bailouts for the rich and austerity for the rest).
Shortly after that attempt at unity, cultural criticism did seem to escalate in its divisiveness. One needn't be a conspiracy theorist to note that a brief moment of unity was followed by chattering and writing elites--and the companies that market their work--emphasizing difference over solidarity. It's a bit like how some people feel the need to scold working-class Trump voters about their privilege rather than empathize with their economic anxiety. Yes, there's a lot that's wrong with Trump, and there are plenty of reasons to disagree with their supporters, but surely that disagreement can be framed in some way other than "You know, you have it pretty good!" There used to be a word for people who told blue collar workers that they have nothing to complain about: Republicans.
So, yeah, it is interesting that division overtook solidarity in elite commentary shortly after 2011.
3) As long as we're talking about commentary on art and entertainment, I highly recommend this piece by Lauren Oyler.
Wednesday, January 16, 2019
A strange moral reversal
Gillette, the razor company, has received considerable attention for an ad campaign that talks about how men have to be better in their conduct and their approach to others' conduct. Many are applauding it while others are recoiling from the criticism of men. There's no point in me trying to say whether the ad does or doesn't paint with a broad brush, whether the message is or isn't ultimately positive about men (while there's surely criticism, there's also a clear implication that men can be better), because it's very much a Rohrschach test. You see what you see, not what I argue that you should see.
What fascinates me is that the critics of the ad, many of them nominal conservatives, include in their ranks people who say that the ad is condemning the inherently aggressive nature of men, while those praising it, many of them nominal liberals, speak of the need to teach men discipline and self-control. In an earlier phase of the culture war, it would have been considered hippie-ish to say that people need to celebrate their own inner nature and do what feels right for them. It would have been considered conservative to say that discipline and structure and conformity to rules and ethical norms are what matter. Now, granted, the hippies would have said that people should follow their natural instincts for love, not war. Likewise, conservatives would have wanted to discipline men to channel their aggressive natures into healthy competition and the use of force for the enforcement of laws and protection of national security. This just means that while history rarely repeats it often echoes.
Still, the echoes are strong, and inverted. And they bring to mind a recent chance conversation with someone who turned out to be an elderly professor, and also an outspoken conservative. The topic of the #MeToo movement came up, causing him to speak quite adamantly about how modern political correctness is denying men the chance to act on their instincts. I was dumbfounded that a conservative would call for a social order in which men follow their instincts, rather than one in which they are disciplined to submit to the order of society, and channel the best parts of their instincts into worthy pursuits that are governed by rules, while taming and suppressing the worst parts of their instincts. Conversely, liberals have become quite rule-oriented.
I'm not necessarily a fan of every rules-oriented move by liberals, especially on the topic of political correctness in speech and entertainment, but surely some self-restraint in matters of sexual behavior is a necessary prerequisite for civilized society. Surely we can enjoy some jokes while also keeping our hands to ourselves.
Of course, there are still some hippie types on the left, and some restrained types on the right. But I think that this era of a genital-grabbing TV star as head of state has caused some on the right to walk away from the virtue of restraint. I'm not wholly in favor of ever-increasing restraint in all aspects of life, but academic fields are called "disciplines" for a reason, and I am a proud academic.
What fascinates me is that the critics of the ad, many of them nominal conservatives, include in their ranks people who say that the ad is condemning the inherently aggressive nature of men, while those praising it, many of them nominal liberals, speak of the need to teach men discipline and self-control. In an earlier phase of the culture war, it would have been considered hippie-ish to say that people need to celebrate their own inner nature and do what feels right for them. It would have been considered conservative to say that discipline and structure and conformity to rules and ethical norms are what matter. Now, granted, the hippies would have said that people should follow their natural instincts for love, not war. Likewise, conservatives would have wanted to discipline men to channel their aggressive natures into healthy competition and the use of force for the enforcement of laws and protection of national security. This just means that while history rarely repeats it often echoes.
Still, the echoes are strong, and inverted. And they bring to mind a recent chance conversation with someone who turned out to be an elderly professor, and also an outspoken conservative. The topic of the #MeToo movement came up, causing him to speak quite adamantly about how modern political correctness is denying men the chance to act on their instincts. I was dumbfounded that a conservative would call for a social order in which men follow their instincts, rather than one in which they are disciplined to submit to the order of society, and channel the best parts of their instincts into worthy pursuits that are governed by rules, while taming and suppressing the worst parts of their instincts. Conversely, liberals have become quite rule-oriented.
I'm not necessarily a fan of every rules-oriented move by liberals, especially on the topic of political correctness in speech and entertainment, but surely some self-restraint in matters of sexual behavior is a necessary prerequisite for civilized society. Surely we can enjoy some jokes while also keeping our hands to ourselves.
Of course, there are still some hippie types on the left, and some restrained types on the right. But I think that this era of a genital-grabbing TV star as head of state has caused some on the right to walk away from the virtue of restraint. I'm not wholly in favor of ever-increasing restraint in all aspects of life, but academic fields are called "disciplines" for a reason, and I am a proud academic.
Sunday, December 9, 2018
Thoughts on Pinker's _Blank Slate_
I very much enjoyed The Blank Slate, but I haven't been in the blogging mood lately. So I won't be doing chapter-by-chapter blogging. I'll just comment on a few over-arching themes:
First, people obviously fear theories of genetic factors underlying intelligence and other abilities because of the attraction that such theories hold for racists, sexists, and other foul bigots. Pinker concedes the need for caution, but also notes that the idea of humans as malleable blank slates was beloved of Marxists. And the Marxists have managed to hold their own when it came to killing and oppressing. Ultimately, the problem with racists is the same as the problem with communist: They want to control people on the basis of their theories, and kill anyone who gets in the way. If we conclude that individual abilities are strongly (but not solely) influenced by genes we can either oppress people whom we deem to be genetically unsuited for certain paths, or develop a plethora of different educational paths for everyone to find and hone their strengths. One of these things is very different from the other.
This is somewhat reminiscent of my observation that a theory of success is not enough; you also need a theory of failure. If you have a theory of success, your theory of failure could be that disadvantaged people lack the characteristics that lead to success, or that they are denied the opportunity to utilize/develop those characteristics. There's no such thing as a standalone theory of success that blames or exonerates the disadvantaged; to have such a theory we have to supplement it with a theory of why the disadvantaged didn't or couldn't do whatever it is that our theory says is critical for success.
Second, Pinker argues that the effects of parenting are smaller than people want to believe. I think he's over-stating his case (more on that in a moment), but to whatever extent parents don't matter, teachers must matter even less. Also, he argues that neural plasticity isn't as powerful as people like to think, i.e. brains aren't as malleable as people believe. As a person responsible for teaching 18 year-olds, I wish he'd also said that to whatever extent the brain is plastic, that plasticity decreases (which is different from saying that it completely disappears) with age. You can't expect me to change people as much as a kindergarten teacher can, and you can't expect a kindergarten teacher to change people as much as a parent can.
Third, when he argues that parents matter less than we want to believe, he refers to the fact that well-designed studies of parenting practices and household characteristics don't find that those variables explain much of the variance of various outcomes. However, the proper control groups are people from similar social classes, neighborhoods, etc. I think it follows that if we just vary one characteristic of a household but keep everything else in that household similar to the rest of the neighborhood (i.e. the rest of the control group) then not much will change. Well, that just means that what matters is that parents provide the same general baseline as everyone else, not that they get everything right or jump on every fad. A parent who doesn't provide the same overall baseline as the rest of the neighborhood could very well produce a different outcome (better or worse) than a parent who does the same as the rest of the neighborhood. A particular fad or whatever doesn't matter, but overall adherence to the big picture does.
Of course, he also says that even if parents don't matter for various long-term sociological outcomes as many people would like to hope, so what? Parents matter as long as they are in a child's life. Failure to do the basics would matter, provision of the basics matters a lot, and loving family relationships enrich life. They might not move the needle much on sociological outcomes but who cares? Not every moment of our lives has to be calibrated to some social reform agenda. We can simply live as social primates with loving bonds and make the most of that.
Finally, I like his point about how literature, poetry, and other artistic endeavors might be better windows into human nature than much of the ideologically-constrained and often non-replicable social science out there. That doesn't mean that every poet, novelist, or sculptor out there is equally possessed of timeless insight, but if something is widely-recognized as brilliant it might be resonant with something in human nature and human experience. We can learn a lot about humans by pondering those works that have resonated with us throughout the ages.
So I guess I'd better keep reading.
First, people obviously fear theories of genetic factors underlying intelligence and other abilities because of the attraction that such theories hold for racists, sexists, and other foul bigots. Pinker concedes the need for caution, but also notes that the idea of humans as malleable blank slates was beloved of Marxists. And the Marxists have managed to hold their own when it came to killing and oppressing. Ultimately, the problem with racists is the same as the problem with communist: They want to control people on the basis of their theories, and kill anyone who gets in the way. If we conclude that individual abilities are strongly (but not solely) influenced by genes we can either oppress people whom we deem to be genetically unsuited for certain paths, or develop a plethora of different educational paths for everyone to find and hone their strengths. One of these things is very different from the other.
This is somewhat reminiscent of my observation that a theory of success is not enough; you also need a theory of failure. If you have a theory of success, your theory of failure could be that disadvantaged people lack the characteristics that lead to success, or that they are denied the opportunity to utilize/develop those characteristics. There's no such thing as a standalone theory of success that blames or exonerates the disadvantaged; to have such a theory we have to supplement it with a theory of why the disadvantaged didn't or couldn't do whatever it is that our theory says is critical for success.
Second, Pinker argues that the effects of parenting are smaller than people want to believe. I think he's over-stating his case (more on that in a moment), but to whatever extent parents don't matter, teachers must matter even less. Also, he argues that neural plasticity isn't as powerful as people like to think, i.e. brains aren't as malleable as people believe. As a person responsible for teaching 18 year-olds, I wish he'd also said that to whatever extent the brain is plastic, that plasticity decreases (which is different from saying that it completely disappears) with age. You can't expect me to change people as much as a kindergarten teacher can, and you can't expect a kindergarten teacher to change people as much as a parent can.
Third, when he argues that parents matter less than we want to believe, he refers to the fact that well-designed studies of parenting practices and household characteristics don't find that those variables explain much of the variance of various outcomes. However, the proper control groups are people from similar social classes, neighborhoods, etc. I think it follows that if we just vary one characteristic of a household but keep everything else in that household similar to the rest of the neighborhood (i.e. the rest of the control group) then not much will change. Well, that just means that what matters is that parents provide the same general baseline as everyone else, not that they get everything right or jump on every fad. A parent who doesn't provide the same overall baseline as the rest of the neighborhood could very well produce a different outcome (better or worse) than a parent who does the same as the rest of the neighborhood. A particular fad or whatever doesn't matter, but overall adherence to the big picture does.
Of course, he also says that even if parents don't matter for various long-term sociological outcomes as many people would like to hope, so what? Parents matter as long as they are in a child's life. Failure to do the basics would matter, provision of the basics matters a lot, and loving family relationships enrich life. They might not move the needle much on sociological outcomes but who cares? Not every moment of our lives has to be calibrated to some social reform agenda. We can simply live as social primates with loving bonds and make the most of that.
Finally, I like his point about how literature, poetry, and other artistic endeavors might be better windows into human nature than much of the ideologically-constrained and often non-replicable social science out there. That doesn't mean that every poet, novelist, or sculptor out there is equally possessed of timeless insight, but if something is widely-recognized as brilliant it might be resonant with something in human nature and human experience. We can learn a lot about humans by pondering those works that have resonated with us throughout the ages.
So I guess I'd better keep reading.
Tuesday, November 27, 2018
Next book: The Blank Slate by Steven Pinker
My next book will be The Blank Slate by Steven Pinker. He talks about human nature, its biological contributors, and why people deny it. Since human ability is a constant concern of educators, this should be well worth reading.
Subscribe to:
Comments (Atom)